Showing posts with label politics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label politics. Show all posts

Tuesday, October 27, 2009

Treatise on Health Care Reform: Part 1 of 3

I can't help it. I need to sound off on "health care reform" since the whole argument is driving me crazy. It seems like you can't watch the news, pick up a newspaper, listen to the radio, or read anything on the Internet without hearing about how we need to reform the healthcare system.

Well, I have a few thoughts on the subject, so here's one physician's current view on the debate. Actually, it is more than a few thoughts; this will probably rival the stimulus package bill in length, so I plan to present it in four parts: 1) Controlling Costs & the Concept of Employer-Funded Health Insurance, 2) Rights vs. Expenses, 3) Pharmaceuticals and Equipment. The fourth (much shorter) installment will succinctly outline what direction I think reform should take for the best good of all concerned; I plan to call this last one my "Proposal For Health Care Reform 2009." Lest you think I am suffering from 'delusions of grandeur,' let me say up front that I don't think for one minute that my opinion counts one whit in this debate. Still, it makes me feel better to put it out there, so here goes:

Controlling Costs & the Concept of Employer-Funded Health Insurance
One one hand, some politicians today think we should let the government finance the system entirely, turning it into something akin to the public school system, available to all at no direct cost. Increased governmental control will reign in costs (somehow). On the other hand, some think that the insurance industry just needs to be deregulated and allowed to sell plans across state lines. Fostering increased competition between those who pay for health care will reign in costs (somehow). And, of course there is every conceivable variety of opinion in between.

What nobody seems to want to talk about in the whole debate, is why medical services cost so much in the first place. Why is it that the cost of evaluations, treatments, supplies and equipment are so quickly outstripping society's ability to pay for them?

During my short career as a physician, I've seen a remarkable transformation occur. We have always had people who lacked health insurance entirely and were burdened with heavy bills when they got sick, but when I started practice as a resident in 2001, most people with health insurance rarely thought about the costs of health care at all. They had low deductibles, low or no copayments, and their employers usually picked up the tab for the insurance premiums, entirely. There were few, if any, restrictions on which physicians they could choose or which treatments they could have.

Now, many employers have limited how much of the premium they will pay, passing the rest on to the employee in an effort to have some control over the cost of these benefits. Yearly deductibles are increasing, and copayments for drugs, a relatively new concept, have risen from around $3 to $60 or more monthly for many meds. Additionally, insurance companies are increasingly involved in the doctor-patient relationship; the question for many patients has changed from "which treament is best?" to "which treatment is covered?" And, more recently, I have noticed an increasing number of patients with average incomes who can't begin to afford their medications, even with their insurance paying its portion.

Why? This is what nobody seems to be asking right now. While they squabble back and forth about how we can possibly pay for the "skyrocketing costs of healthcare" things, nobody wonders how the heck we got here in the first place. Perhaps part of the solution lies in identifying and correcting the underlying cause of the cost increase.

Let's review a short course in American Healthcare History, from a funding perspective. Health insurance as we know it didn't exist until around 1930; prior to that people were on their own to pay, in cash or in kind, for medical services. Those who couldn't pay simply did without, unless they could find a charitable physician or hospital, or some other generous group to pay for medical services for them. Many of these "uninsured" patients died of potentially curable conditions, simply because they couldn't afford treatment; this was not considered unusual or cruel, or in any way unfair. It was, simply, a fact of life.

Early insurance "cooperatives" were set up by large employers as a way to provide low or no-cost medical services for their employees, usually for the treatment of on-the-job injuries or illnesses. These groups evolved over the years into large conglomerates we know today as Blue Cross, CIGNA, and the like. As other, smaller players entered this market, they began to stratify patients into various risk categories, using an underwriting process like that employed in the life insurance business; patients likely to cost the company more were charged higher premiums, or were denied insurance altogether.

The next major evolution in healthcare funding was the HMO; these organizations were different in that, rather than trying to control costs simply through risk stratification, they began to focus on the supply side of the cost equation. They negotiated with hospitals, physicians, and other suppliers of healthcare using this basic bargaining phrase: "we have a ready supply of insured patients for you, if you agree to the conditions of our contract." The original HMO concept was that cost management through time-tested business principles, combined with an emphasis on prevention, could produce lower premiums for patients and higher profits for insurers. To an extent, the HMO concept works as a business model, although much of the envisioned cost savings gets swallowed up by the vast 'middle management' required to administer such plans effectively. Initially, these groups only attempted to control how much they would pay for each service recommended by physicians, not which services could be offered; the doctor-patient relationship was considered independent and sacred.

More recently, though, as costs have continued to spiral upward and profits have become more and more difficult for insurers to realize, even this boundary has been crossed and, in many cases, obliterated. Many physicians in HMO arrangements feel like simple puppets of the organization; every decision they make with respect to their patients is influenced by the mandates of the insurance organization. The historical doctor-patient relationship as we know it has, for many, ceased to exist, supplanted by the doctor-patient-payer relationship.

Another important historical element is the introduction of Medicare in 1965. Patterned after Social Security, this fund basically takes money collected from working Americans in the form of a payroll tax to pay for health care costs for retired people. This fund was a godsend not only for many elderly people, but for the medical industry in general, which, along with the rest of the world, had undergone a technological explosion that had greatly expanded what medical science could offer patients. Now, able to offer lifesaving and life-prolonging treatments previously unavailable, and with a virtually unlimited federal fund from which to draw for payment, physicians and hospitals across the country became wealthy beyond their wildest imaginations. Life expectancy for the elderly increased accordingly, and this placed an additional demand on the fund. In time, Medicare learned and began to apply HMO principles like the rest of the insurance community, and introduced strict limits on covered services in an attempt to control spiraling costs. Today, Medicare is not appreciably different from any other insurer in most respects.

Around the same time Medicare was introduced, the government instated certain tax incentives for businesses supplying health coverage for their employees; special laws were introduced governing "group health insurance," which gave special protections to individuals covered by group plans. These special protections took away many of the risk stratification strategies insurance companies used to determine who they would and would not cover. For example, insurers were prohibited in many cases from denying coverage for preexisting conditions. These same protections were not afforded people who weren't covered under group policies, and the difficulty those with health problems have in obtaining "individual insurance" persists even today; this disparity is one thing that some politicians are targeting as part of the reform being considered this year.

With that historical context, consider the original question. Why does healthcare cost so much in America, particularly compared with what it used to? For sure, there is no single, all-inclusive answer to this question. I believe, though, that most of the reason has to do with the way insurance has removed costs out of the consumers' eyes. For too long, patients knew nothing of what their medical services were costing them. Not only were they not paying the bills, they weren't even paying the insurance premiums.

Without incentive or motivation for patients to shop around, the providers of medical services have for years had basically no free-market control over rising prices, and they have acted accordingly in the pricing of their services. Rather than set their prices based on competition and what the market would tolerate, providers simply set their prices "higher than the highest payer's allowed cost," leaving all cost control in the hands of payers alone, who don't actually consume the 'goods.' Of course, competition among payers for patients then drives costs up, instead of down, like competition among providers would do. Not experiencing the costs themselves, patients as a whole have gotten in the habit of demanding nothing but the best, latest, greatest, most convenient, and, of course, most expensive care; this behavior is a natural by-product of the system we created. Not surprisingly, this handcuffing of free market principles in the healthcare market has led to the price explosions we continue to see. We have, unwittingly, created a system that is a perfect recipe for price inflation.

Of course, the lucrative nature of this service sector as a whole has encouraged more and more research, innovation, and development of new technologies for diagnosis and treatment, each more expensive than the one before. Of course, once a new modality for treatment or diagnosis is available, it becomes part of the "standard of care," and insurers have to cover it; premiums, then, rise accordingly as the insurers' cost burden increases.

When you think about it, the surprising thing is not that this has happened. The surprise is that the problem has taken so long to reach critical mass, which I believe it has. I see it every day in my practice, where the 'standard of care' comes head to head with its associated costs, which more and more patients simply can't afford, even if they have insurance.

So, what to do, then? Well, I'll offer my opinion on that in part 4, straight up. But before we can meaningfully reform the health care system for the long term, I think we need to decide one thing as a country: should health care services be available to Americans as service market items, like catering, carpet shampooing, or window-washing? Or, should they be purchased by the public collectively, through taxation, and provided to the people as a "right," of citizenship like we have decided primary education should be? In my opinion, you can't have it both ways and also have a system that will work for the long term, and that is what Americans have come to expect.

Two important legacies have been created with Medicare and the employer-funded health insurance concept, which are important to recognize. The first of these legacies is government involvement in health care. As with any program supplied by federal funding, Medicare has federal strings attached; the introduction of Medicare and its sister program, Medicaid, introduced government regulation of medical services. Most insurers now piggyback their own regulations and reimbursement rules on to those of Medicare so that, in a very real sense, the government controls funding for the entire healthcare industry. In effect, the doctor-patient-payer relationship has now further evolved into the doctor-patient-payer-government relationship, even for those who aren't covered by "governement insurance." Too often, people and their various medical problems are treated as just another football in the great political game. The introduction of politics into the mix has further complicated the delivery of health care in America.

The second legacy is that patients across America have come to view access to health care services as a public "right," like access to education has become, rather than as an individual "expense," like food or housing. While not specifically granted either by the Constitution or by any existing act of a governing body, this alleged right has, nonetheless, become very real in the minds of many Americans. This dichotomy will be explored more fully in part 2; stay tuned.

Tuesday, November 4, 2008

If I Were President

In conjunction with today's election, which in my humble opinion nothing more or less than a choice between Dumb and Dumber, I have decided to release my own presidential platform. It's probably too late for this year, but in case anyone wants to nominate me for 2012, here it is. (I have a feeling whoever is lucky enough to get the job this year isn't going to be so popular in four years. We have some tough times ahead, I'm afraid.)

In order of importance, my stands on the issues:

1. Healthcare. Do you know how I set my prices? Do I go through the process that everybody else does, and set my prices just a little bit lower than the guy down the street? No. I simply find out what all the payers (read: insurance companies) will pay for my various services, and I make sure to set my prices a little higher than that. That's what we all do in this business. Does that make you angry? When it does, you'll know the solution to the "healthcare crisis."

I would fix the healthcare system by making one simple but sweeping change. When you see the doctor, or have surgery, or get an MRI, (or fill your Zoloft prescription), you pay the bill, period. If you have health insurance, or government assistance, you are then free to seek reimbursement from your insurer, for whatever portion of your bill they will pay. This would, quite simply, direct the accountability of each involved party back where it belongs.

When I'm President, the "third-party-payment-system" will be a thing of the past. Of course this issue is more complex than that; there are many complex and valid arguments on each side. (I'll further clarify my plan through national media outlets once I get the nomination.)

2. The Economy. No government bailouts, ever. Risk is the price of admission for participating in the great gamble known as capitalism. If you lose your shorts on some sort of investment, including your home, that's sad. I feel bad. But, it is your problem. Suck it up, and go at it again, that much wiser. If this policy sends the country into the next Great Depression (which it won't), so be it. We gotta learn somehow.

Our commitment to capitalism and free enterprise is the only significant economic advantage we have over competing nations. Give it up, and we're another France in 50 years, or less.

Somewhere along the line, too many of us have come to see the government as some kind of a wet nurse. That will stop under my administration, so help me.

3. Foreign Policy. Any country that gets one cent of aid will comply with each diplomatic condition, fully and without question, or the aid is stopped, immediately. As for the rest of diplomacy, there will be a visual aid sitting on my desk in the oval office: picture a bronzed baseball bat and a carrot, crossed over each other in the shape of an 'X' with a large caption underneath in 25 languages that says, over and over again: "What'll it be, pal?" Behind it will be a large, full color photo of Clint Eastwood (before he became a liberal and got facial leprosy). This will be prominently displayed at all diplomatic events, and will have its own seat on Air Force One when I travel abroad.

America is the only remaining superpower for a reason. It's time we remembered that. We
will maintain the world's strongest, most destructive, intimidating, overwhelming, fearful (and most compassionate and restrained) military. Spare no expense.

3. Iraq, the Middle East, ism. As far as Iraq is concerned, each of those cheeky Arab leaders will regularly, publicly express unconditional gratitude for their recent liberation and beg us to stay and help them become civilized, or we pull out everybody and everything, tomorrow, and let them tear each other limb from limb in the streets like the barbarians they are. No skin off our nose. The day after I take office, they will begin to pay back all the money we spent in the process. No checks, please. We'll take it in the form of crude oil, face value.

Under my administration, we will simply starve these dysfunctional cultures back to the Dark Ages where they belong. Much more difficult to organize and motivate Jihadists when there's no pot of gold at the end of the rainbow. See "Energy" below.

4. Immigration. The borders will be closed. Trespassers shot on sight, survivors deported. Come in legally, we'll help you find work if we can. Come in illegally, ton of bricks when you get caught. Commit a crime as an illegal, rot in the cellar of a jail until the rats pick their teeth with your bones. You've got no rights as an American if you are not one.

5. Energy. We will finally suck it up, quit spending tax dollars on stupid, inappropriate entitlement programs that don't work, and invest heavily, massively, in infrastructure. We will raise taxes across the board to do so, if necessary (the only reason, outside of any necessary war chest, that I would ever raise taxes).

I will begin immediately to build nuclear power plants, lots of them. The country's electrical grid will be modernized and upgraded. That we haven't already done so is an absolute indictment of the intelligence of present and past leaders. Yesterday's infrastructure won't fuel tomorrow's economy. I think that's going on my signs).

We will create extremely attractive incentives for invention and refinement of alternative sources of energy, particularly those in the transportation sector, and particularly those that are cleaner. The money for this will come partly from economic expenditures, partly from military, and partly from the Department of the Interior, since this issue is critically important for all three. We will ask environmentalist whackos to put their money where their mouth is and support this initiative, instead of simply standing in the way of progress as they do now.

I will impose
massive tarriffs on all imported oil, and massiver ones on imported oil from unfriendly nations. There will be no "oil for food" or similar programs. We will make no apologies for our strategy: cut off the supply of money to ist states and the cultures and peoples who sponsor them.


There you have it, my Presidential Platform. Now go out there and vote!!